Women's Views on News |
| Workplace progress on equality slow Posted: 30 Jan 2013 03:00 AM PST
The latest Workplace Employment Relations Study was released last week. This government-sponsored research measures areas like employee satisfaction, training, working hours and equal opportunities in public and private organisations of all sizes across the UK. The report looked at all workplaces with 5 or more employees in the British economy, excluding workplaces in agriculture, forestry, fishing, and mining and quarrying. It represents 35 per cent of all workplaces and 90 per cent of all employees in Britain; almost 750,000 workplaces and 23.3 million employees. The study, carried out during 2011-12, found the majority, 51 per cent, of workers in the organisations sampled were women. Nearly a tenth were from ethnic minorities, nearly a quarter are over 50 and nearly a tenth are foreign nationals. The number of disabled workers had risen from 1 per cent in 2004 when the last survey was completed, to 2 per cent in 2011. Three quarters of firms had written equal opportunities policies, compared with 67 per cent in 2004, and in 2011 these were more likely to mention age and sexual orientation. Fewer mentioned discrimination on the basis of gender – 82 per cent, compared with 87 per cent in 2004. A third of all workplaces had a strategic plan covering employee diversity with objectives, compared to 29 per cent in 2004. These were more likely to be in place in large organisations. However, few employers monitor recruitment, pay and promotion by equality characteristics like age, gender or disability. Only 3 per cent compare relative pay rates, 7 per cent monitor promotion and 14 per cent monitor recruitment and selection. Only 8 per cent have special procedures to attract job applicants from women and disabled people, and even less take special measures to attract workers from ethnic minorities and older people. Fewer companies operate these types of schemes than in 2004. And a quarter of firms in 2011 offered Equal Opportunities training, compared with a fifth in 2004. When it comes to flexible working, the picture is mixed. The proportion of workplaces where some employees were able to work from home or work compressed hours increased between 2004 and 2011. In contrast, the proportion of workplaces with job sharing or reduced hours fell, and the proportion of employers offering flexitime remained the same. And more mangers now think it is up to individual employees to manage their work and family responsibilities, 76 per cent in 2011, compared to 66 per cent in 2004.  |
| Reclaiming Ireland’s abortion debate Posted: 30 Jan 2013 02:20 AM PST
The escalation of the abortion debate in Ireland since the tragic death of Savita Halappanavar in September has had numerous implications. For a country so intent on ignoring the issue, where politicians would sooner self-immolate than discuss abortion in parliament, the shocking details of her death were a wake-up call, reminding us all in no uncertain terms the true price of inactivity. The outpouring of grief and anger on the streets was like nothing seen in twenty years, not since the X case exposed the toxic legal regime with which the Eighth Amendment had left us. The government were finally spurred to action and committed to legislating for X after two decades of uncertainty. While this move is historic, perhaps the most striking result of this tragic incident was that it illustrated how distorted the debate had become. Pro-choice sentiment, be it restricted to X case legislation or a more liberal regime, had been stirring since earlier in the summer when a poster campaign from the ‘pro-life’ Youth Defence group prompted outrage across the country. That same group and its affiliate the Life Institute were first to claim, even in the face of Savita’s death, that there was no need to change or liberalise the existing regime. Their claim that abortion was never necessary to save a woman’s life fell apart in the face of details of her suffering. The cold, painful reality of what happened was a shock to the system and highlighted, in the full glare of the public and media spotlight, the distance between the idyllic utopia posited by the pro-life movement and the facts on the ground. The main reason for this was that for the first time, we had a woman’s story. That it had to be related by her husband after her death is but a further insult to the suffering and plight of hundreds of thousands of women who have had their voices silenced by our draconian regime. The campaign by Termination for Medical Reasons Ireland (TFMI), a group composed of women who chose to have abortions due to their babies suffering fatal foetal abnormalities, and who were forced to go abroad to do so, gave us further insights and perspectives from real women who had suffered pain and distress due to the farcical legal regime at home. The country began to see, more vividly than ever, the extent of this harsh reality; something heretofore barely illustrated on account of the stranglehold of pro-life groups and the Catholic Church on the debate. It is interesting, then, to consider the facts and figures on their influence that have come to the fore since Savita’s death. Were one to look at the heraldry and swelling numbers of Youth Defence’s recent Vigil for Life in Dublin, one might almost be forgiven for assuming that their extreme views do represent the wider population, and yet statistics suggest otherwise. Recent polls indicate that 64 per cent of the population want legislation on X. The “pro-life majority” is a fallacy – people in Ireland might oppose the more widespread availability of abortion, but that doesn’t mean they don’t want it legislated for at all. It is also worth noting, that 84 per cent of the people consider themselves Catholic – and that implies a substantial overlap with the figure above. This disparity between traditional Catholic teachings, as represented at the recent Oireachtas hearings by Bishop of Elphin, Dr Christopher Jones, and the will of a mostly Catholic people is striking, and symptomatic of an increasing gulf between the views of Rome and the views of the people of Ireland. Orthodox teachings have lost a considerable amount of influence. In a nation where contraception was banned until 1973 and divorce until 1996, a majority of Catholics now support divorce, contraception, and the ordination of female priests. That there is some deviation from Catholic teaching on the question of abortion seems implicit from the above figures, and is further evidence of the discord between the will of the people and those summoned to speak on their behalf. My issue is that having these voices as foremost in the debate has skewed it. The government seems obliged to consult with the Church on any potential move to legislate, yet the hierarchy doesn’t seem to represent the opinions of their faithful. Youth Defence, meanwhile, have dictated facts and figures as they see fit. In the past, their threats of violence have led to the cancellation of abortion debates in universities because of fears for public safety. Their constant campaigning is significantly funded by donations from anti-choice zealots abroad – which has lead to an investigation over a possible breach of regulations – and has enabled them to distract attention from the positions not just of pro-choice advocates but more measured campaigns such as that of TFMI. The aforementioned vigil was farcical in its feverish pantomiming, but supporters were only allowed to brandish stock posters from a pile printed by Youth Defence and the Life Institute themselves. For many people, this propagandised, sensationalised, or outright inaccurate information is the only stance they’ve heard. It is hardly surprising then that the full account of what Savita went through before her untimely death should have proved such a game-changer. Where women are silenced, it is only too easy for those with no experience of and no proper place in their healthcare to sway the debate and maintain a false image of idyll and peace. That the government still saw fit to give the Church and the pro-life groups a forum before the Joint Committee earlier this month is disappointing, but the female and pro-choice voices getting more forthright and prominent by the minute give us hope for the future.  |
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