Women's Views on News |
- Are women more left wing than men?
- Does the UK’s voting system keep women out?
- Party ideas and women in Northern Ireland
- The rise of the ‘dangerous woman’
| Are women more left wing than men? Posted: 30 Apr 2015 05:58 AM PDT
So, are political attitudes shifting? Or is this pattern a reaction to a government which has been unable to address the modern needs and interests of women? The gender gap in voting intention predicates the 'women's vote' as an important political tool in party campaigning, and this has been a strong theme in the run up to this year's election. The Conservatives' diminishing support among women has differed with Labour's ostensible surge in popularity, which most recently saw young women ignite the #Milifandom campaign in defense of the physical and political attributes of Ed Miliband. Opinion polls after the first televised debate in March reflected gendered differences in performance evaluations. Nigel Farage ranked 9 points lower among women who significantly favoured the performances of the three female, minority party leaders: Sturgeon (+5), Bennett (+9) and Wood (+11). Voter intention polls again produced gender divides, with Labour and the Green Party more popular among women, and UKIP and the Conservatives rating higher among men. The polls suggest that right wing parties tend to rate more favourably among men, and women appear to show greater support for parties on the left, but does this correlation infer that women are more left wing? This pattern has been found in several OECD countries in recent years and has manifested in the US since the 1980s, where women's support for the Democrats has substantially outweighed that for the Republicans. This theory becomes more convincing when the aggregated data is classified in accordance with intersecting political cleavages like age. A 2014 YouGov poll showed young women in particular to be moving further to the left, favouring Labour, while UKIP fell behind. Older generations reflect the inverse: both men and women seem to be aligning with parties on the right. The notion that women might be more left wing is a fairly modern one. For many years, women in the UK were more likely to vote for the Conservative party, which had invested in the idea of the family, and created a role for women in the home; an increasingly politicised and masculinised Labour party was largely representative of the working class male. However, during the 1970s and the 1980s, women's role in the home and the workplace began to change, and during the 1990s, Labour began to mobilise around women's interests like healthcare and education. This change was consolidated in the election of 101 women MPs to the House of Commons in 1997, and institutionalised in the creation of roles like the Minister for Women. The Conservatives have since tried to feminise, to largely unconvincing effect. Under the Coalition government, only three of the party’s seventeen cabinet ministers are women, and outside parliament women have been disproportionately affected by austerity measures in practically every sector. The Fair Deal For Women campaign reported that women have shouldered 79 per cent of the government’s so-called ‘deficit repayments’, which have been approached through cuts to public spending such as child benefits, housing benefits and tax credits. When one in four women are in low paid work and when nine out of ten lone parents are women, the notion that women may be more left wing seems almost inextricable from the gendered impacts of austerity. Left wing ideologies typically assume a more welfare-led approach to governance, with greater focus on issues of social justice and equality. Therefore, women's voting intentions are likely to be heavily influenced by party policy on priority issues like childcare, the NHS and the deficit, and this may not be indicative of shifting political attitudes as such. For all parties, women are still largely identified as a homogenous group, with a single set of issues, revolving predominantly around the family, education and health. These issues have been found to be priority concerns for many women, but this limited mandate reflects gendered understandings and assumptions of women's role and interests, which are determined by an archaic social order, which parties are only just starting to modernise in areas like LGBT rights. Failure to acknowledge the many cleavages intersecting with gender, like age, race, religion or class, results in the underrepresentation or exclusion of so many women and men from political discourse. The 'women's vote' thus remains a symbolic one; mobilised as political capital as a reflection of progressive politics. To suggest that women are more left wing than men may hold elements of truth, but this statement risks framing the situation inaccurately. Gender divides on the political spectrum are less a reflection of deeply held and renegotiated political philosophies, and more a response to governments which have made living conditions for women much worse, and which fail to recognise that gender is one identity marker among many which define individuals and differentiate the electorate. If women are siding with the left, it is because there is space there for more progressive, inclusive politics with parties that are increasingly gender balanced and representative of women’s divergent interests and needs.  |
| Does the UK’s voting system keep women out? Posted: 30 Apr 2015 05:39 AM PDT
Has anyone else noticed, and been disturbed by, the tendency of journalists to discuss whether party leaders "look like a prime minister" during public debates and speeches? In fact, much as we like to think otherwise, this ability to "look like a leader" is actually one of the main drivers behind voting decisions – as various studies have shown. What does a leader look like? This varies over time and culture, but overall – again, as plenty of studies have illustrated – the "leadership look" aligns much more closely with men. This in itself goes a long way to explaining why female candidates often face a tougher challenge when it comes to convincing voters of their competency – and why the UK parliament remains so far from achieving equal gender representation. But there's more to it than this. Our "first past the post" (FPTP) voting system may actually be limiting the pace of progress. As The Fawcett Society has argued, plurality-majority systems such as FPTP are less likely to support progress towards gender equality than multi-member proportional representation. The Fawcett Society's report released in 2013, The Impact of Electoral Systems on Women's Political Representation, referred to research suggesting parties were more likely to choose male candidates when there is just one seat per constituency. The report explained that: "This is because female candidates must compete directly against a male candidate, which often implies more risk for the party as in nominating a woman, a party must deny the selection of an often established, recognisable man in the same constituency." More recently, the Electoral Reform Society put forward a similar argument, claiming that FPTP is "the world's worst system for achieving gender balance." In its Women in Westminster report published in March this year, the Electoral Reform Society predicted that using FPTP, the upcoming election could see the number of female MPs increase from 148 to 192. This would raise female representation in parliament to just under 30 per cent, compared to the less than 23 per cent today, bringing the UK to 36th out of 190 countries ranked on this measure, from its current 57th. But while this is certainly a (potential) move in the right direction, the Electoral Reform Society argued that retaining FPTP is holding progress back, because of its tendency to maintain the mostly male-dominated status quo. In a recent post published on the LSE blog, Electoral Reform Society research officer Chris Terry pointed out that many MPs in the UK serve long terms because of the high number of "safe seats", a result of what he views as the country's "archaic voting system". This means that new candidates, who are more likely to be female, often have to wait for incumbents to retire, or for huge new gains in terms of votes to be made by their party. As a result, the pace of change among MPs flags significantly behind the actual rate of change among potential candidates. This theory is supported by the Women in Westminster report, which showed that longer-serving MPs were more likely to be male. Proportional representation, advocates say, not only tends to result in a greater overall turnover of MPs, but also prompts parties to select more diverse candidate lists. This is because they are incentivised to appeal to a broader range of voters, rather than simply trying to provide the best match for a preconceived notion of what an MP/leader looks like. Unfortunately, next week's election will not provide an opportunity for these theories to be put to the test. But at least there seem to be signs the coming years could see increased analysis and awareness of the ways in which our current system shapes and restricts the results we get. If "first past the post" is skewed towards maintaining the predominantly male status quo, then this is just one more strong reason, in my view, to rethink the way we run our elections.  |
| Party ideas and women in Northern Ireland Posted: 30 Apr 2015 05:21 AM PDT
The under-representation of women in political life in Northern Ireland is durrently a cause for concern – to the extent that a recent report by the Northern Ireland Assembly Executive Review Committee noted that the issue 'must be addressed as a matter of urgency.' The percentage of women standing in Northern Ireland as candidates for election in the forthcoming General Election is a paltry 23.9 per cent, the lowest in the United Kingdom. The Women's Manifesto which was launched by the Women's Resource & Development Agency on 9 April 2015, set out to encapsulate the most significate issues and areas of concern for women. But the political parties in Northern Ireland launched their own party manifestos this week. So what do the parties offer women? Here is a brief review, with the points based on the Women’s Manifestos headings. First of all, where are women mentioned? A large paragraph contained in the Alliance Party manifesto commits to promoting equality and support for women. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) mentions women just the once in their manifesto in the context of women’s contribution to the Armed Forces and security of the country. The Green Party Manifesto in a Grassroots democracy section of their manifesto spells out their commitment to ensuring more women are in positions of power in all areas of public life and increasing women's involvement in politics. Sinn Fein would support the use of quotas and legislation to increase women's participation in politics and public life. The SDLP fails to mention women at all in their manifesto. The Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) does not refer to women in their manifesto. Women are mentioned once in the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) manifesto, again in relation to their contribution to the Armed Forces. UKIP's only reference to women is when committing to a change in the social housing points system for ex-service men and women. On from there, to look at ‘women and childcare’. There remains a lack of access to affordable quality childcare in Northern Ireland, which has an impact primarily on women's access to both employment and training. As it stands, Northern Ireland’s childcare provision is inadequate, inflexible and too expensive, with the average earner allocating 44 per cent of their take-home pay to childcare costs. For low income families the cost takes up an even greater proportion of their disposable income. The Alliance Party has made a number of commitments in relation to childcare. They support the continued provision of childcare vouchers and childcare payments, support increasing tax-free allowances for childcare and encourage a greater uptake of childcare schemes, and support the development of a childcare strategy, expanding Sure Start and providing additional support for parents of multiple births. Both the DUP and Sinn Fein say they would work to ensure affordable childcare, with the DUP limiting the costs of childcare to a maximum of 12 per cent of family income and Sinn Fein seeking to cap childcare at 15 per cent of income. There is a slight difference in these two parties in that the DUP references childcare in the context of working families, while Sinn Fein refers to childcare for those on low incomes and those in education and training. In referring to the choice of parents going back to work, the SDLP would commit to affordable childcare provision and an extensive early years strategy. The Green Party, TUV, UKIP and UUP do not refer to childcare. Next: women in decision making. As I said above, the percentage of women in Northern Ireland standing in the General Election is 23.9 per cent. The Northern Ireland Assembly also reflects the lack of women in politics with 21 female MLAs out of 108 members. More women are needed in government at both the Assembly and at Westminster to steer through policy which is important to women, children and families. Do any of the Northern Ireland parties commit to getting this done? The Alliance Party wants to see more women at all levels of governance and to establish mentoring schemes for women to ensure they reach their potential by removing barriers. The Green Party says it will put measures in place to address the underrepresentation of women in politics, and makes reference to mentoring, training and support. Sinn Fein touches on the issue of women-only quotas, pledging to support legislation and quotas in order to increase the participation of women in politics and public life. That’s it. Next: violence against women. Violence against women represents 11 per cent of all crime in Northern Ireland, and there appears to be an increase in trafficking of women for sexual exploitation and labour to Northern Ireland. The only party to touch on this subject is the Alliance Party which makes a pledge to oppose the practice of Female Genital Mutilation, offers to increase investment in welfare facilities for victims of 'gendered violence' and increase education and awareness programmes. Then there is reproductive health and justice. Termination of pregnancy is lawful in Northern Ireland only if there is a direct threat to the mother's life. The Department of Justice is considering a change to the law to allow terminations in fatal foetal abnormality cases. The only party to touch on the topic of abortion is the Green Party, which supports the extension of the 1967 Abortion Act that covers the rest of the UK to Northern Ireland, suggesting that the best solution is to allow women to choose. The community women's sector? Services to the women's sector are now under threat, as they face disastrous cuts when government departments slash their budgets. The Green Party commits to rebalancing the economy recognising the importance of the community, voluntary and social economy sector. Education and training? The position of women in the labour market suggests that while girls make strides in education, this is not translated into any form of success, particularly in supporting working mothers. A commitment is made by the Alliance Party to promote the need for access to education for women and girls; they also make a pledge to reform the pension system recognising that women often taken breaks to have children therefore their levels of contributions are lower. And as for equality… Inequality still exists for women despite legislation. The Women's Manifesto calls for a strengthening of equal pay provisions and the Alliance Party, Green Party and Sinn Fein do all commit to addressing the gender pay gap. Alliance, Sinn Fein and the Green Party also strongly support improving the rights of the LGBT community, with all three parties supporting equal marriage, and Sinn Fein and the Alliance Party opposing the conscience clause. Sinn Fein would also support a Bill of Rights and would offer additional support to prospective LGBT parents in reproductive and adoptive services. The Green Party says it would bring down any barriers faced by the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) community. Women and peace building? Women continue to face specific and what can seem intractable obstacles to their full and equal participation in political life. Women are not often found in any peace building talks or negotiations, and a recent 'Inquiry into the Actions and Level of Implementation of UNSCR 1325 Women, Peace and Security for Women in Northern Ireland since the Peace Process' found women were continuing to experience economic and political inequality. This important issue is not addressed by any of the parties. And then: welfare reform and poverty. Poverty affects people of all ages, but women and children are one of the most affected groups. Women and children living in poverty experience deprivation, social exclusion and vulnerabilities. They face multidimensional challenges that create various life-long difficulties. It is against the background of austerity and welfare cuts that we look at the commitments from the political parties. Alliance will oppose the ‘bedroom tax’, tackle fuel poverty and introduce a 'yellow card' system in relation to benefit sanctions. Removal of the bedroom tax is a popular pledge; Alliance, the DUP, the Greens, the SDLP, Sinn Fein and UKIP all oppose the tax. Another popular commitment is either increasing the minimum wage or introducing the living wage. Both the DUP and UUP would increase the minimum wage, although the UUP would expect companies who benefit from the reduction in corporation tax to pay the living wage. The Greens, Sinn Fein and SDLP all commit to the living wage. It is welcome to see some – if not all – parties addressing some of the issues raised in the Women's Manifesto. While information is power, politics is also about power – who has it and how it is used. How accountable can our politicians be if women are not included? Crucially, it is up to all women to question and challenge any party representative who sets foot on their door step in the run up to the elections. We must ensure that our voices and opinions heard. Then we have to remember to vote… And then?  |
| The rise of the ‘dangerous woman’ Posted: 30 Apr 2015 04:20 AM PDT
Hillary Clinton and Nicola Sturgeon, two women in positions of political leadership, have in recent weeks become subjects of intense media scrutiny. When Clinton officially announced her 2016 presidential campaign, a flood of media coverage speculated on what her candidacy represented for both US politics and for women. And Sturgeon, recently branded the 'most dangerous woman in Britain', has risen to spectacular prominence in the public eye during the run up to the UK elections on 7 May, with consistently high public approval ratings. The ‘danger’ it seems, resides in the current and unprecedented dominance of women in the political running, and their incidental popularity. Hillary Clinton's journey to this point has been hard fought, and with over 35 years in the White House, few can rival her experience and expertise. And the representational significance of her candidacy is unmistakable; of the 43 presidents the US has seen, not one has been a woman, and in a Congress of 535, female representatives occupy only 104 seats. Gender will undoubtedly feature prominently in coverage of the US election, and rightly so: Hillary Clinton has long been an ambassador for equal rights: she spoke of "women's rights as human rights" at the fourth world conference on women in Beijing in 1995, and has campaigned tirelessly for issues such as equal pay and reproductive rights throughout her political career. The USA’s 2016 elections thus present an opportunity for gender perspectives to be examined on the political agenda and in public discourse, in an unprecedented way. Nicola Sturgeon, leader of the Scottish National Party (SNP), and Scotland’s First Minister, has also made a career of politics. Sihe joined the SNP in 1986 and has been an MSP since 1999, occupying successive roles, including as the SNP's Shadow Secretary for children and education, then for health and later for justice. And under Sturgeon's leadership, positive gender equality measures have been implemented, including 50:50 male to female ratio in her cabinet, and generous childcare provisions and gender balanced boards are central priorities in the SNP manifesto. But while women's policies, and the women's vote, have been central to Clinton's early campaigning, (see her first video here), Nicola Sturgeon's growing reputation as a progressive and highly competent politician has developed in line with her wider commitment to issues of social justice, in which gender equality policies inherently feature. Sturgeon's professional management of some fairly radical positions has steered the SNP, as a minority party, into the forefront of Westminster politics, to widespread support. As women become increasingly dominant in politics and the discussion that accompanies it, institutional sexism remains a hallmark of (largely right wing) mainstream media, which differentiates the criteria through which male and female politicians are scrutinised. For women, appearance is often judged more thoroughly than their work, and language can often adhere to archaic and harmful stereotypes that denigrate women's suitability for their roles in politics. Clinton’s aides have pre-emptively issued guidelines to protect against and monitor 'coded sexism' in the media coverage of her campaign. Guidelines which include avoiding words such as ‘polarising’, ‘calculating’, ‘disingenuous’, ‘insincere’, ‘ambitious’, ‘entitled’ and ‘overconfident’. Despite these efforts, sexist and ageist remarks by prominent voices have strived to undermine her campaign in its early stages. A recent New York Times op-ed reproached Clinton for "basking in oestrogen" and right wing commentators have criticised her appearance and questioned her capacity to juggle roles as both President and grandmother. Nicola Sturgeon lacks the support infrastructure to police the media on the same scale, and the attacks directed at her in the media have been overwhelmingly sexist. Her wardrobe and her confidence have been repeatedly targeted in offensive language and pictures: The Sun portrayed Sturgeon in tartan underwear riding a wrecking ball under the headline "Tartan Barmy", and she has likewise incurred titles including "Lady Macbeth" and "Little Miss McHypocrite". But in the run up to both elections, policies must assume the focus of analysis and speculation. Clinton's position on campaign financing, as beneficiary to billions worth of campaign 'dark money', and her previously hard line approach to immigration and LGBT rights, constitute just a few of her controversial stances on sensitive issues which must be addressed. It is important that we see a woman succeed to become president of the United States, but like any other professional politician, Hillary Clinton's rebranding in the pre-election build-up will be extensive, and therefore the extent to which we regard her as progressive and radical should be dependent on the next 18 months of her campaign, not determined by her gender. Nicola Sturgeon's popularity appears relatively unaffected by the inappropriate media attention she has received, and polls suggest that her politics and personality override these attempts to downgrade her. Clinton and Sturgeon are 'dangerous' because they represent a threat to the political establishment, which continues to be overwhelmingly male and largely conservative. Yet standards in the media must change, and as female politicians move increasingly into positions of leadership, the media must ensure it responds to these shifts in political culture by actively addressing the gender imbalances and any – or all – overt sexism in its coverage.  |
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