Wednesday, May 25, 2016

Women's Views on News

Women's Views on News


Exhibition: major first for Winifred Knights

Posted: 24 May 2016 02:49 PM PDT

Winifred Knights, exhibition, retrospective, Dulwich Picture Gallery, The DelugeRetrospective will explore themes that run throughout Knights' oeuvre including women's independence.

Dulwich Picture Gallery is to present the first major retrospective of work by Winifred Knights, 1899-1947, an award-winning Slade School artist and the first British woman to win the Prix de Rome.

The exhibition, which runs from 8 June-18 September, will establish Knights as one of the most original women artists of the first half of the 20th century.

It brings together her most ambitious works and preparatory studies for the first time since they were created, including the apocalyptic The Deluge, 1920, which attracted critical acclaim as 'the work of a genius'.

Knights' admiration for the Italian Quattrocento was the inspiration for a highly distinctive and painstakingly executed body of work. The smooth surface, contemplative mood and harmoniously restricted palette of her paintings consciously recall early Renaissance frescoes, adapted to everyday subjects from her own time.

And Knights' works are deeply autobiographical: presenting herself as the central protagonist and selecting models from her inner circle, she consistently re-wrote and re-interpreted female figures of fairy-tale and legend, Biblical narrative and Pagan mythology to create documents of her own lived experience.

Arranged chronologically, the Winifred Knights exhibition will highlight the key periods in the artist's career, beginning with the work she produced at the Slade School before charting her stylistic developments at the British School at Rome.

The exhibition will also explore significant themes that run throughout Knights' oeuvre including women's independence, modernity and her experiences of wartime England.

Knights attended London’s Slade School of Fine Art from 1915-16 and 1918-20. Under the rigorous tuition of Henry Tonks and Philip Wilson Steer, she learnt the importance of meticulous compositional discipline which included the use of scale drawings, full-size sketches and life studies, a large selection of which will be exhibited to highlight her early development as an artist and offer a fascinating account of art education at the Slade during this time.

Early works reflect Knights' growing awareness of women's rights, due in part to her close relationship with her aunt Millicent Murby who is sensitively portrayed in the pencil drawing Portrait of Millicent Murby, 1917. A prominent campaigner for women's emancipation and the right for married women to work, Murby's writings had a profound influence on Knights' early compositional work.

Knights' seminal work, The Potato Harvest, 1918, is the first of her compositions to portray the harmonious interaction of male and female workers.

Leaving the Munitions Works, 1919, records female munitions workers where, albeit momentarily, progress in the economic emancipation of women was evident.

A Scene in a Village Street, with Mill-hands Conversing, 1919, shows a female trade unionist arguing for better conditions for women's labour at Roydon Mill, Essex.

In 1920 Knights became the first woman to win the Prix de Rome scholarship in Decorative Painting awarded by the British School at Rome with one of the most enduring images in the history of the competition, The Deluge, 1920. Chosen on the insistence of John Singer Sargent, Knights' painting was seen to possess 'a rare command of technique in hue, figure and composition, and a meticulous care in detail'.

This epic work will be displayed alongside the numerous studies Knights made in preparation including Compositional Study for the Deluge, 1920, which shows the initial ideas for the painting. The final composition brings together 21 figures who clamber towards and up a mountain, soon to be submerged by the flood.

While Knights avoided making any overt reference to the war, this painting is imbued with its presence. The disposition of the fleeing figures is likely to have drawn upon her first-hand experience of the zeppelin raids over Streatham and the sense of panic in the painting may have reflected this traumatic experience.

The picture shows the influence of the war paintings of a previous generation of Slade students including Paul Nash, Stanley Spencer and C. R. W. Nevinson.

The impact of the five years Knights spent in Italy was the strongest unifying force in her work, fuelling her imagination in works such as Italian Landscape, 1921 and View to the East from the British School at Rome, 1921.

She saw Italy as a living landscape that revitalised her creative spirit and as a result she produced some of the most evocative pictures to come out of the British School at Rome: The Marriage at Cana, 1923, Edge of Abruzzi; boat with three people on a lake, 1924-30, and The Santissima Trinita, 1924-30, all of which bridged Renaissance techniques with modernism to create the highly individual language that was her own.

In The Marriage at Cana, Knights appears several times as one of the wedding guests, as does her future husband, Thomas Monnington.

Although she had previously outshone her male contemporaries at the Slade and the British School at Rome, when Knights returned to England in 1926 she struggled with the conventional chauvinism that then dominated the art world.

In 1928 she was awarded a prestigious commission to design an altarpiece for the St. Martin's chapel in Canterbury Cathedral, on which she worked for five years.

The finished piece, Scenes from the Life of Saint Martin of Tours, 1928-33, is profoundly autobiographical, expressing Knights’ anguish upon giving birth to a stillborn son in January 1928. Among the onlookers are Knights' mother Mabel and Knights, with Monnington standing alongside. The fixed and melancholic gaze of the three figures records their shared sense of loss.

When World War II broke out, Knights became distraught and her only concern was for the safety of her son. This brought her already intermittent work to a standstill. She only began working again in 1946, a few months before she died of a brain tumour at the age of 48.

Sacha Llewellyn, curator of the Dulwich Picture Gallery’s exhibition, said: "Although never part of the modernist avant-garde, Knights engaged with modern-life subjects, breathing new life into figurative and narrative painting to produce an art that was inventive and technically outstanding.

"She explored form and colour to create a mood of calmness and reflection that impacts directly on our senses.

"Like so many women artists, heralded and appreciated in their own day, she has disappeared into near oblivion.

"This exhibition, in bringing together a lifetime of work, will create an irrefutable visual argument that she was one of the most talented and striking artists of her generation."

Witness: nuclear bomb on Hiroshima

Posted: 24 May 2016 02:27 PM PDT

Setsuko Thurlow, Hiroshima, nuclear bombing survivor, Setsuko was thirteen when the US dropped a nuclear bomb on Hiroshima in Japan.

By Michelle Thomson MP.

We were honoured to receive a visit in Parliament recently from a survivor of one of the most horrific events of the 20th century, the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima.

Setsuko Thurlow, aged 84, generously gave us her time, to recount the events of that fateful day on the 6th of August, 1945.

Hers is a truly harrowing story.

Setsuko was thirteen when the US dropped a nuclear bomb on Hiroshima in Japan.

On that day, she had been told to report to the local defence offices with her classmates where they would be taught how to decode military messages. She arrived early.

Her immediate impression after the bomb dropped was of confusion. All of a sudden the building collapsed around her and the world was twilight where previously it had been light.

Someone shouted to her to get out but she could not stand up.

Setsuko crawled outside the building and could not believe what she saw. Where previously there had been well-known landmarks and a large city, there was simply nothing.

The building behind her burst into flames and she carried on crawling away from it.

There were thousands of dead bodies, blackened and burnt, and a sea of people desperate for water. There were no utensils for her to gather water for assistance and Setsuko told of how she tore her shirt to wet it and press to their mouths as often this was their dying wish.

She saw one man literally burst open from the stomach with his intestines pouring out, others had eyeballs hanging out of their sockets and many were literally holding their own bodies together.

She was told to make her way to higher ground where survivors were gathering and there, she spent the rest of the day administering to the dying.

She noted how, in the event of an attack such as this, there can be no organised response from the various services as they too are hit.

She had been fortunate that the defence offices were on the outskirts – the city centre, where she lived, had been completely destroyed.

Remarkably, Setsuko's parents had survived. Her father had taken the day off work to go fishing and saw the mushroom cloud rising from the city.

Her sister also initially survived, but, as with thousands of others, both she and her child succumbed to radiation sickness in the weeks that followed.

They soon learned to identify the tell-tale signs of a purple spot as an indication of impending death on those who otherwise looked relatively healthy.

Setsuko remains very angry about what she views as the systematic and orchestrated removal of the horror of Hiroshima and the attempts to sanitise what really happened. She believes this has opened the door to the nuclear industry we have today.

She spoke of the people who were maimed by burning and how they were shunned by society, something which further increased their mental anguish and pain.

She saw many babies born with deformities and they too were often shunned.

Her passion and life’s work became clear when she said, with force, “I have a moral duty to relay to the world what I saw.”

All of us felt humbled to be in the presence of someone who was prepared to relive the loss of their world and everything in it over and over again to tell her story and convey her message. I was honoured to chair this meeting when Caroline Lucas was unable to attend as she was speaking in the chamber.

I gave the vote of thanks, although it was difficult to keep my emotions in check. As I looked around the room during the event, I could see that Setsuko's story had had a profound effect on everyone in attendance.

I chatted with Setsuko at the end to explain how strongly Scotland feels about the renewal of Trident.

It’s fair to say this experience was one of the most moving I have had since becoming elected. How Setsuko has overcome such adversity and shown such bravery is truly humbling and the experience of listening to her story is one that will stay with me for a very long time.

You can hear more from Setsuko by following this link.

Mali: music versus violence

Posted: 09 May 2016 11:13 AM PDT

They Will Have to Kill Us First, Mali, documentary, Johanna Schwartz, concert, TimbuktuImagine waking up and finding out that all music has been banned.

No radio, no gigs, no music at weddings, no ringtones, no internet – nothing.

Music is the beating heart of Malian culture – and when you hear the music of Mali you understand why it is renowned as the birthplace of the blues.

The musical world owes much to Mali.

But when Islamic extremists took control of northern Mali in 2012, they enforced one of the harshest interpretations of sharia law in history and, crucially for Mali, they banned all forms of music.

Radio stations were destroyed, instruments burned and Mali's musicians faced torture, even death, and so overnight, Mali's revered musicians were forced into hiding or exile – where most remain even now.

But rather than lay down their instruments, the musicians are fighting back, standing up for their cultural heritage and identity. And they have used music as their weapon against the ongoing violence that has left Mali ravaged.

Fadimata "Disco" Walet Oumar is a renowned singer, a UN-recognised humanitarian and an outspoken activist.

She organises gigs from her refugee camp base in Burkina Faso, and is a constant support for musicians in exile, who look to her to eventually lead them home.

Kharia Arby is known as the "Nightingale of the North" and speaks all seven languages of the country.

Her home was raided by jihadists and her materials, records and instruments destroyed, yet she has remained firm in her criticism of their actions despite threats to her life and she campaigns tirelessly for elections.

And she was determined to organise the first public concert in Timbuktu since the conflict – to prove that musicians will not be silenced.

But the rise of ISIS gave Mali's extremists new life, and realising Khaira's dream was risky for everyone.

'They Will Have To Kill Us First' – a feature-length documentary about Mali and how its musicians struggle to keep their culture alive – is American-born, UK-based filmmaker Johanna Schwartz's first feature-length film as a director.

It begins with musicians on the run, reveals rare footage of the jihadists, captures life at refugee camps, follows perilous journeys home to battle scarred cities, and witnesses the two female characters perform at the first public concert in Timbuktu since the music ban.

They Will Have To Kill Us First draws audiences into the human side of Mali's conflict, watches events as they unfold and witnesses the impact on Mali's musical community.

The situation in Mali forms part of an alarming trend: across the globe, extremists are attacking culture, art and freedom with increasing frequency and violence, using religion to justify rampant destruction and murder.

Many of the songs featured in the film were specially commissioned by Johanna Schwartz from some of Mali's most renowned artists as well as exciting newcomers, and the lyrics of the songs act as a kind of 'narration', adding layers of understanding for audiences – both factual and emotional.

Johanna Schwartz is an award-winning filmmaker known for creating thought-provoking documentaries and who has a highly praised natural filming style.

She has produced and directed films for the BBC, Channel 4, Channel 5, Discovery, National Geographic, The History Channel, PBS, CNBC, CNN and MTV, and films she has worked on have won awards including TV Story of the Year at the Foreign Press Association Media Awards and a Prix Italia nomination.

As a director she has won Gold at the New York Film and Television Festival as well as receiving over 100 "picks of the day" in the British press.

To read an interview with Joanna Schwartz, click here.

“They Will Have to Kill Us First: Malian Music in Exile” had its UK premiere at the 2015 BFI London Film Festival.

To find when and where it will be showing near you, click here.

Tuesday, May 24, 2016

Bingo Life - Summer 2016

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WELCOME from Miles Baron, Editor

From April 6th 2016 all licensed bingo operators are required under the Licensing Conditions and Code of Practice (LCCP) to offer multi-operator self-exclusion. After a long and often winding road the bingo industry self-exclusion scheme went live on 1st March 2016. For a large number of retail bingo clubs with existing membership schemes the solution was, at least in theory, relatively straightforward. This enabled the retail bingo clubs to commit to a national scheme; self – exclude in Newcastle and you have self-excluded in Torquay.
 
The non–membership licensed operators of bingo extra (high street) premises and Holiday Parks faced more of a challenge and have adopted a self-exclusion scheme based on locality and images of self-excluded customers. Self-exclusions from membership and non-membership premises are held on a shared database. For both types of premises, the taking of an image of each self-excluded customer is a mandatory part of the process. Bluntly put; no image provided, no self- exclusion registered.

Although in its early days, the scheme is already providing interesting information on where and why customers have chosen to request self-exclusion. By recognising unique customers across the bingo sector, the scheme is able to recognise duplicates, therefore greatly improving the accuracy of the numbers involved. Details of all gambling industry self-exclusion schemes can be found on the 'opt in to self-exclusion' website; an IGRG hosted sign post to those customers wishing to self-exclude across more than one sector.

So I am grateful not just to the members of the BA Standing Compliance Committee who oversaw this great example of bingo industry co-operation, but also to suppliers ISD and SmartEXCLUSION who have helped the BA to create a viable membership and non-membership based solution for all licensed bingo operators.

The Bingo Association is growing quickly. This is no doubt aided by the need for all licensees to be compliant with multi-operator self-exclusion measures by April 6th. Nevertheless it is great to see that all but one retail bingo club in the country is a member of the Association, whilst non retail membership is growing fast. In contrast, the number of licenced bingo operators appears to be reducing, a consequence, no doubt, of increasing regulation causing some operators on the margins to consider whether holding a bingo licence is worth the effort.

The first quarter of 2016 has seen a solid start for the industry and operators are cautiously optimistic. With only one club closed to date, the successful launch of Gala's new club in Southampton and large scale refurbishments planned in Rhyl and Stirling, there is much to look forward to. The next key event for the Industry will be the June release of the IpsosMORI research into problem gambling behaviours in Bingo, the preliminary results of which were announced at the Association's AGM in April. Whilst no major surprises are anticipated, there will still be learning and actions on how things can be done better to help protect our vulnerable customers, as and when the formal research is made public.

Much has been talked about proportionate regulation, and therefore the need to provide government and regulator with hard evidence is increasingly required. The IpsosMORI research and the bingo industry self-exclusion scheme are two initiatives that should help to satisfy that need although there will always be more to do.
 

Miles Baron

Editor

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Saturday, May 21, 2016

Best watches in the world. Pre-summer sale!

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Tuesday, May 17, 2016

Women's Views on News

Women's Views on News


We are on holiday this week

Posted: 16 May 2016 01:10 PM PDT

we are on holiday this week, back on 24 May 2016 Women’s Views on News is on holiday from 16-24 May 2016.

We’ll be back with our normal service from 24 May 2016.

In the meantime – have you seen (and liked and shared!) our facebook page?

Thank you all so much for your support.

See you in a week.

Saturday, May 14, 2016

Women's Views on News

Women's Views on News


Conservative election spending questioned

Posted: 13 May 2016 06:23 AM PDT

electoral commission, channel 4 news, police forces, Conservative Party, election spendingConservative Party taken to court amid claims that it breached spending rules.

The Conservative Party has had to be taken to court by the election watchdog amid claims that it breached spending rules at recent by-elections and the General Election in 2015.

The watchdog – the Electoral Commission – had to apply to the high court for a document and information disclosure order after party chiefs failed to provide the details requested, the Guardian reported recently.

And to date nine police forces have also launched fraud investigations into claims that the Conservatives recorded the costs of activists being bussed into marginal seats as part of the national campaign rather than under individual candidates' limits.

On 28 April the Electoral Commission, in its role as the regulator of political funding and spending, announced that as part of the investigation launched on 18 February 2016 into Conservative Party campaign spending returns, it had requested that the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and the police consider applying for an extension to the time limit available to pursue criminal prosecutions.

The final decision to apply for an extension rested with the police and the CPS.

Bob Posner, director of party and election finance and legal counsel at the Electoral Commission said: "The police and the CPS both have the power to apply to the Courts to extend the time limit on bringing criminal prosecutions for electoral offences to allow for full investigations to take place.

"We have requested that they consider doing this."

The rules around candidate spending and potential criminal offences are matters for the police to investigate under the Representation of the People Act (RPA) 1983.

The Commission's request does not mean that it has any view on whether criminal charges should be brought, but that the CPS and the police should consider whether it would be appropriate to leave open to themselves the option of pursuing cases if they consider this is necessary at any stage.

Transparency and accountability in relation to campaign spending by local candidates and political parties is essential in order to ensure public confidence in the electoral process.

Parliament has determined that anyone found guilty of an offence under the RPA relating to candidate spending or the making of a false declaration in relation to candidate spending, could face imprisonment of up to one year, and or an unlimited fine.

The effect of a conviction is also that for 3 years a person convicted of an illegal practice is unable to be elected to the House of Commons or to hold elective office.

Given the significant penalties that parliament has made available for such offences, the Commission's view is that in the absence of any current investigation by the police, it would be sensible for the criminal justice agencies to retain the ability to take action should appropriate evidence come to light as part of the Commission's own investigation.

The Electoral Commission is currently investigating whether the Conservative Party met their reporting obligations under the Political Parties Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA) 2000, at the General Election in May 2015 and in the by-elections held in Newark, Clacton and Rochester and Strood, which all took place during the regulated period for the General Election.

The Commission does not currently anticipate that its own investigation will have concluded before the time limit for RPA offences to be considered by the police will have expired.

The Commission monitors and takes all reasonable steps to secure compliance with the rules on campaign spending by local party candidates, but has no powers to investigate or sanction candidate spending offences under the RPA. It has recently called again for its powers in this area to be strengthened.

The Commission does have powers in relation to national campaign spending although its sanctioning powers are limited to a civil penalty of up to £20,000, which it has previously recommended should be reviewed and increased.

The government has not yet responded to this recommendation.

On 12 May the Electoral Commission announced that as part of its investigation launched on 18 February 2016 into Conservative Party campaign spending returns, it has made an application to the High Court for a document and information disclosure order.

The application, which names the Conservative and Unionist Party as the Respondent, is made under paragraphs 4 and 5 of Schedule 19B to the Political Parties Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA) 2000.

Using its powers under PPERA, and in line with its Enforcement Policy, the Electoral Commission may issue a statutory notice requiring any person, including a registered party, to provide it with specific documents and/or information as part of an investigation.

This places the recipient under a legal obligation to provide the required material.

However, if the recipient does not comply with this statutory notice, the Commission may apply to the High Court for a disclosure order which if granted would be the court compelling the Respondent to release the required documents and information to the Commission.

The Commission issued the Conservative and Unionist Party with two statutory notices requiring the provision of material relevant to its investigation.

However, the Party has only provided limited disclosure of material in response to the first notice (issued on 18 February 2016) and no material in response to the second notice (issued on 23 March 2016). That follows the Commission granting extensions of time to comply.

 "If parties under investigation do not comply with our requirements for the disclosure of relevant material in reasonable time and after sufficient opportunity to do so, the Commission can seek recourse through the courts," Bob Posner said.

"We are today asking the court to require the Party to fully disclose the documents and information we regard as necessary to effectively progress our investigation into the Party's campaign spending returns."

The Commission will now make no further comment on the investigation, in line with its Enforcement Policy.

Occupy as protest: ruins whose reputation?

Posted: 13 May 2016 03:12 AM PDT

Sussex University, right to protest, occupy, whose reputationOccupying is a last resort, used when the authorities have not listened or have failed to take the required action.

Faculty members and Students Union officer holders at Sussex University are objecting to changes proposed by the university's administration regarding the right to protest.

The proposed changes to the University student discipline regulations at Sussex University include as an example of major misconduct – which could result in expulsion: "conduct which causes a nuisance (whether or not causing damage) and is detrimental to the good order or reputation of the University; for example, the unauthorised occupation of a University building".

Occupations are a tactic used by students to bring an issue to the top of the agenda, and are ineffective if they are authorised as they have impact in deliberately being disruptive, to bring light to an issue after attempts at change via official channels have not worked.

Occupations have a long-standing tradition in the history of Sussex students' activism on campus.

In Spring 2013, for example, an 8-week Bramber House occupation by the Sussex Against Privatisation Campaign mobilised thousands of people and platformed the international movement against privatisation of campus services.

The recent February 2016 Don't Deport Luqman occupation of Bramber House also received international attention for its stand against current immigration policies which make international students feel unwelcome in our country and watched on our campuses.

And also in February this year the student-led campaign 'Safer Sussex' occupied Sussex House reception with mattresses and placards, calling for the university to take action on sexual violence on campus.

That occupation has led to financial and institutional commitment to tackle sexual violence on campus, and a positive, collaboration action between the Students Union (USSU), Safer Sussex and Clare Mackie, the university’s deputy vice-chancellor.

Lyndsay Burtonshaw, commenting on the proposed changes, said that Faculty members and Students’ Union president Abe Baldry co-signed an open letter this week stating "is, in our view, unnecessary and purposefully refers to (and by extension, limits) the right and capacity of the student body to engage in protest.

"We also argue that including such an inflammatory and unnecessary example, seemingly referring to events in the University’s recent past, could itself damage the reputation of the University and possibly incite such conduct in the student body once again."

Burtonshaw, Rose Taylor, Bethan Hunt, Rianna Gargiulo, Sarah Gibbons, Frida Gustafsson, and Jasper Chinedum, student officers at Sussex University, support the signatories of this letter and have echoed the calls to remove the example of ‘the unauthorised occupation of buildings’ from the proposed changes to ‘Regulation 2’.

The Human Rights Act, they point out, includes Article 10: Freedom of expression, which protects your right to hold your own opinions and to express them freely without interference.

This includes the right to express your views aloud, for example through public protest and demonstrations: "Everyone has the right to freedom of expression.

"This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers".

And Article 11 of the Human Rights' Act is for Freedom of assembly and association: "Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and to freedom of association with others."

But, given that occupying is a last resort, used when the authorities have not listened or have failed to take the required action, it is surely more to the point that if people want their reputation to remain shining and intact, they listen and act earlier on in any discourse.

Political bias, the BBC and sexism claims

Posted: 13 May 2016 02:55 AM PDT

BBC, bias, petitions, moderate petitions, How it looks from here.

A recent petition set up on the 38 Degrees site complaining about the political bias of the BBC presenter on election night last week raised 35,000 signatures.

It was however taken down recently on the grounds that there were sexist or misogynist comments on it.

But people who asked to see these comments have not, to date, been shown them and when they were made public, possibly via a leak, they were once again hidden.

This has raised even more questions about BBC impartiality than it has either answered or quashed.

We have been watching for months now the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn being picked to pieces in the press while under the current Conservative government child poverty increases, homelessness increases, disabled people and the poorly paid are ill-treated, women are tricked out of their pensions, face massive ill-effects of ideologically driven budgets and cuts to public spending, and in the face of questionable arms sales and questionable financial transactions.

But as far as the media is concerned, none of these issues mattered compared to whether one man in a crowd sings in a song.

And honestly, enough is enough.

Soon after Jeremy Corbyn's election as leader of the Labour Party last September, the BBC was accused of an 'anti Corbyn bias' and challenged with a 61,000-strong petition demanding that they stop using the prefix 'left-wing' when reporting on events related to his leadership, former newspaper editor Nic Outterside wrote on his blog on the issue recently.

Even before he won a stunning 59.5 per cent of the vote, ensuring the largest democratic mandate of any Labour leader in modern history, Outterside continued, Corbyn was subject to what a source from his leadership campaign described as a 'complete hatchet job'.

Former BBC political editor Nick Robinson even wrote to his colleagues over concerns about the Corporation's bias against Corbyn, and Channel 4's Michael Crick issued a stunning rebuke to broadcasters referring to non-left MPs as 'moderates'.

Despite these protestations the BBC's agenda – behaviour, reporting – did not change.

In January this year, Outterside pointed out, ‘Mr Corbyn's so-called 'revenge reshuffle' led to the revelation that BBC political editor Laura Kuenssberg, Daily Politics presenter Andrew Neil and so-called 'moderate' Labour MP Stephen Doughty planned for Doughty to make a live resignation on their programme hours before it began.

‘Despite the fact that a live on-air resignation could be considered dramatic broadcasting, it beggars belief how it is the job of the BBC's political editor to be of service to an evidently resentful shadow cabinet member intent on weakening the Labour leadership, Outterside pointed out.

‘A few hours later the producer of the programme bizarrely admitted in a BBC blog that Neil, Kuenssberg and himself manipulated the news to negatively impact Mr Corbyn during Prime Minister's Questions that week’.

And, Outterside continued in the blog, ‘the producer – Andrew Alexander – admitted that the BBC team were not just reporting the day's news but trying to influence it:

"We knew his resignation just before PMQs would be a dramatic moment with big political impact.

"We took a moment to watch the story ripple out across news outlets and social media. Within minutes we heard David Cameron refer to the resignation during his exchanges with Jeremy Corbyn."

Matters moved up a gear this past week, Outterside continued, ‘when a 38 Degrees petition to sack Ms Kuenssberg, following her outlandishly politically biased reporting on the 5 May elections, was signed by more than 35,000 people in less than five days.

‘The fact that a very small number of people on social media used abusive and sexist language in calling for the BBC's first female political editor to go, seemed at first like flotsam on the political wind.

‘Then suddenly, on Tuesday, 38 Degrees executive director David Babbs announced that the petition had been taken down with the agreement of the person who had posted it.

‘He [Babbs] said: "I am really concerned that a petition hosted on the 38 Degrees website has been hijacked, and used as a focal point for sexist and hateful abuse made towards Laura Kuenssberg on Twitter.

"That is totally unacceptable and, with the agreement of the petition starter, we've taken the petition down to prevent it being used in this way. There is no place in the 38 Degrees family for sexism or any form of discrimination or hate speech."

People who both signed and endorsed the petition were taken aback by this, Outterside continued.

They had, as one does, read many of the comments on the 38 Degrees site, and of the scores of comments read through, only one was sexist. That one was quite unpleasant, but totally unrepresentative.

It seems astonishing that a tiny and unrepresentative number of people can get a petition scrapped which had been signed by many thousands of genuine people.

The only people who claim to have seen this widespread sexism is 38 Degrees, who have not produced any public evidence of this.

Laura Kuenssberg, Outterside said, ‘is the most openly biased journalist I have witnessed on the BBC over the past three decades’.

We here at WVoN have been shocked by the stance she has taken too.

The Canary reported that former UK ambassador Craig Murray had aired his suspicions that petition site 38 Degrees had removed its petition to fire BBC political editor Laura Kuenssberg for bias 'under establishment pressure'.

Murray found and posted the comments connected to the petition on his blog.

He found only one abusive one, and remarked that ‘even if there are more nasty examples of abuse, that is not the fault of the 35,000 good people who signed the petition’.

And, he added, ‘there is a disconnect between two establishment narratives, both unproven. One is that Kuenssberg has been a victim of terrible misogynist abuse since appointment. The other is that the abuse was caused by the petition’.

The comments were then (once again) removed.

And, as Murray then asked, what does it say that having consistently been fed lies about these comments by David Cameron, Jess Phillips, 38 Degrees and the entire media, once the evidence is linked online it gets pulled at 4am in the morning?

Kay Green has now set up a petition asking 38 Degrees to moderate comments rather than down petitions.

Given that the rest of us moderate comments, this would seem logical.

In her petition letter to 38 Degrees' Adam McNicholas, Green says:

‘More than 35,000 people signed the 38 degrees petition calling for the sacking of Laura Kuenssberg, due to the public losing patience with right-wing bias in BBC reporting – but then, say 38 degrees, it was taken down, because some people were making aggressive, sexist comments.

‘But anyone who uses social media regularly knows that just about anything gets its share of daft posts by ‘trolls’. Many people believe there are armies of paid trolls who set out to lower the tone on any social media site or activity their employer wishes to discredit.

‘That’s why moderators exist.

‘It should not be necessary to explain this: most public-access media have people who keep an eye on things, delete rude, aggressive or otherwise unacceptable posts, issue warnings and ban from site anyone who keeps coming back with abuse.

’38 degrees, please moderate your own sites, and if abusive comments elsewhere worry you, report them to the moderators of those sites.

‘There is no need to react by downing a petition people have signed.

‘In the strange political climate at this time, many people are very unsettled by 38 degrees’ odd decision.

‘If it happens again, people will begin to wonder what the motivation is.

’38 degrees, please protect the valuable service you give by changing your policy. Delete abusive comments, call out or report comments elsewhere, but don’t throw out petitions which, by their numbers of signatories, are clearly important to people.’

Which, from what we know, sums it up.

You can sign her petition here.