Women's Views on News |
- Tax break or poverty
- Renewed calls for divorce reform
- Improved access to justice for Scotland’s women
- What kind of society do we want to be?
| Posted: 24 Apr 2015 08:20 AM PDT
Whiterock Children's Centre in west Belfast held a conference recently entitled 'Our Children, Our Future' to focus attention on child poverty in the area. It was a timely conference as it was held against the background of a sharp increase in child poverty levels throughout Northern Ireland. The Institute for Fiscal Studies has predicted that relative child poverty will increase to 30.9 per cent before housing costs and absolute child poverty to 38.5 per cent in Northern Ireland by 2020-21. Major decisions about social security and welfare reform are still stumbling blocks for both the major parties in Northern Ireland. Earlier in March this year Sinn Fein pulled out of a deal brokered during the Stormont House Agreement, saying that the DUP had 'acted in bad faith.' Meanwhile the 2020 statutory targets to end child poverty will be missed by a huge distance unless there is progressive intervention. The public expenditure cuts that have been part of the UK government's austerity measures since 2010 have had a disproportionate impact on the Northern Ireland economy. There was a heavy reliance on the public sector and on women who were employed in public sector jobs and their unemployment after public sector cuts has had an adverse impact on levels of child poverty. David Cameron gave much attention to the importance of the labour market during the televised leaders' debate recently but what he failed to recognise was that more than half of all children in poverty live in families in Northern Ireland where an adult is working. It is clear that child poverty is becoming a problem of working families, a problem of low wages and insecure work. The official figures bear this out – average (median) income levels in Northern Ireland have decreased in real terms for 3 consecutive years. In 2011/12 the average (median) income was £372 per week before housing costs and £336 after housing costs, both of which are the lowest level in real terms since the introduction of the Family Resources Survey to Northern Ireland, in 2002/03. Sadly, poverty appears to have slipped off the political agenda in Northern Ireland; on 12 March this year the DUP suggested that any future coalition government would have to commit to maintaining defence spending if it wanted support from the party. This is devastating news to the women, children and families who are finding it extremely hard to make ends meet. The Belfast Food Network’s report, 'Enough is Enough', which is collating data on the provision of emergency food, has shown a staggering increase in poverty levels in Belfast and the impact this is having on families and young children. While it is difficult to calculate the exact number of organisations engaged in distributing emergency food in Northern Ireland, the report by the Belfast Food Network suggests there are now 11 food banks in Belfast alone. It is hard not to argue that political parties in Northern Ireland have failed to make women, children and families who are experiencing poverty in Northern Ireland any kind of priority. The tendency is for political parties in the Northern Ireland Executive to explain that their economic levers are limited. But why must any funding decision fall disproportionately on the poorest? Under the Northern Ireland Act the Northern Ireland Executive administers a block grant from the UK government. The Northern Ireland Executive has been lobbying for the power to vary corporation tax to be devolved to Northern Ireland. A reduction in corporation tax would mean the block grant being cut by an estimated £325 million a year – resulting in further cuts to services. Something the Institute for Fiscal Studies has questioned, asking if this is the 'most appropriate policy' for growing the economy in Northern Ireland. Political parties in Northern Ireland – whether they take up their seats at Westminster or not – need to ensure that, if their support is needed at Westminster, women, children and families suffering from poverty that are at the forefront of any deal or pact. Socio economic rights should not be aspirational; the state has a duty to devote the maximum available resources to progressively realise economic and social rights – a duty that is incompatible with choosing to reduce corporation tax. Women's sector lobbyist Orlaith Hendron has put out a call to all women affected by the recent spate of funding cuts, urging them to take to Twitter and make their voices heard by writing a short line on how the cuts have affected them, their colleagues, families and communities with the hashtag #cutitout. To mark this campaign and celebrate women’s hard work and contribution to society, women and girls will be wearing something yellow on 2 May for the May Day Rally in Belfast. Whether you're attending the rally or not, please consider wearing yellow that day and taking and sharing pictures of yourself with the #cutitout hashtag. The picture on this post is available to use on social media, to print out, to display in cars, homes or at the rally itself. The idea is to create a big, bright yellow presence at the rally to show that we women are many and we deserve to be valued. Try it.  |
| Renewed calls for divorce reform Posted: 24 Apr 2015 08:00 AM PDT
Baroness Hale, the most senior female member of the judiciary in the UK, has joined calls to change the divorce laws. Hale wants the bitterness taken out of the divorce process, by removing allegations and blame. Speaking to The Times earlier this month Baroness Hale said that she wanted to see "the acrimony taken out of most matrimonial disputes with divorces granted without a person being held at fault". Couples currently seeking to divorce, who have been separated for less than two years, must cite one of two reasons: adultery or unreasonable behaviour. It is argued that this encourages conflict and recrimination rather than amicable resolution. Instead of focusing on the future the process has an eye on the past, which is not helpful for either party. Essentially, the current legal process makes the situation for couples seeking to divorce worse, not better. This is not the first time Baroness Hale has called for divorce reform. Twenty years ago, she led calls for a 'no fault' divorce. However, any change was stalled following claims these changes would undermine the institution of marriage. Are times changing though? The Ministry of Justice's own Family Mediation Task Force recently urged the government to abolish fault-based divorce in its report. And Resolution, the Professional Society of Family Lawyers, in its Manifesto for Family Law, published in February, also called for divorce without blame to be introduced. Speaking to WomensViewsonNews (WVoN) Jo Edwards, the chair of Resolution, said; "As we're now in pre-election purdah, we won't be able to gauge the full impact of our Manifesto until the next Government is formed. "However, it's clear that support is building for some of the key points we're asking for, such as divorce without blame and rights for cohabiting couples when they separate. "Some of Britain's top judges, as well as media commentators, family lawyers and ordinary people who have been through divorce, have come out in support of our call to modernise family law. "It's time to make the family justice system in this country fit for the modern family." Resolution propose that a divorce be permitted to proceed after one party has given notice that the marriage is at an end and a period of six months is allowed to pass. Speaking about why Resolution feels this change in law will benefit women, Jo Edwards said: "Current divorce procedure escalates conflict during divorce, which is bad for everyone in a family. "It can increase hostility, which can make it difficult to come to amicable arrangements about splitting finances and parenting any children of a relationship – and it's these arrangements that will affect the rest of a woman's life after the divorce." In addition to divorce without blame, Baroness Hale recommends that arrangements regarding the care of children and family finances should be finalised prior to a divorce being concluded. With 92 per cent of lone parent families currently headed by women, as outlined in a 2013 Report by The Centre for Social Justice, getting agreement on these issues would greatly improve many women's situations when the are divorced. The financial implications of divorce are often more negative for women, who must somehow manage the household on a reduced income and with less support. Roughly 120,000 people seek divorce each year, so it is clear reforms are required. Why should two adults who have made the difficult decision to split, not go about it quickly and without appointing blame. With the support of Baroness Hale and industry bodies such as Resolution, these reforms seem closer than ever. Separation and/or divorce is often the result of a myriad of reasons, rather than a specific act by one person. It is time the legal system recognised that.  |
| Improved access to justice for Scotland’s women Posted: 24 Apr 2015 07:43 AM PDT
The recently launched Scottish Women's Rights Centre (SWRC) aims to ensure that women in Scotland who have or are experiencing gender-based violence are able to access timely and appropriate legal advice and information. Women will now be able to call the new centre's helpline for legal information and advice on any aspect of gender based violence. The Centre is a partnership project between Rape Crisis Scotland, the University of Strathclyde and the Legal Services Agency, and the helpline staffed by volunteers from the University of Strathclyde Law Clinic. The SWRC also plans to develop a network of pro-bono solicitors to offer drop in services in rape crisis centres across Scotland. Rape Crisis Scotland's spokeswoman Sandy Brindley said: "Women in Scotland who have experienced rape, domestic abuse or any other form of violence against women need access to free, specialist legal advice and support. "This could be to help make them aware of their rights to protective orders in cases of domestic abuse and/or stalking, advice on housing and welfare issues, or responding to queries about their role as a witness following the report of a rape or sexual assault. "We are delighted to be involved in the development of this exciting new service, which we believe will make a significant difference to the lives of women in Scotland". The Centre was launched by Paul Wheelhouse, Minister for Community Safety and Legal Affairs. Speaking at the launch, Wheelhouse said: "Tackling the scourge of domestic abuse and sexual violence is a huge priority for the Scottish Government. "The helpline being introduced today, backed by £215,000 of Scottish Government funding and administered by the Scottish Legal Aid Board, will provide vital access to advice and high quality legal assistance for those affected by these horrendous crimes. "Today's launch comes on the back of our recent announcement that £20 million will be made available over the next three years to support domestic abuse survivors and improve their access to justice. "We are also protecting survivors by strengthening laws for victims and vulnerable witnesses, and we are currently consulting on a specific offence to tackle domestic abuse and measures to tackle sexual offences. "Victims organisations, including Rape Crisis Scotland, play an invaluable role in supporting victims in the aftermath of these horrendous crimes, and I am so grateful to them for their hard work, along with the University of Strathclyde and the Legal Services Agency, in setting up this helpline to further strengthen the services for survivors of domestic abuse and sexual violence." Funding from the Scottish Legal Aid Board will cover the costs of a full time solicitor for the Centre, who will be based within the Legal Services Agency and will provide free legal advice and representation. The Centre also receives funding from Foundation Scotland, an independent charity established to strengthen local communities by providing a source of funding to community led projects the length and breadth of Scotland, to cover the costs of a part-time coordinator. Colin Lancaster, deputy chief executive and director of policy and development at the Scottish Legal Aid Board, said, "We are delighted the Scottish Government is funding this project providing legal advice and representation to women affected by a wide range of issues related to gender based violence. "This, along with the projects we manage delivering money and debt advice to women affected by domestic abuse under the Making Advice Work programme, will contribute to our key aim of improving access to justice." "The Law Clinic is delighted to be part of the efforts to plug this gap in legal provision," Kathleen Laverty, from the University of Strathclyde Law Clinic, which provides free legal assistance to people in Glasgow and the surrounding area who are unable to obtain legal assistance through other means, said. "This is a much needed service and one which we hope to develop and grow over time." Kirsty Thomson, head of the Women's Project, part of the Legal Services Agency, a law centre and charity which provides skilled legal advice, assistance and representation to vulnerable people and those who would otherwise find it difficult to get legal advice, said the Legal Services Agency already provided legal advice to refugee and migrant women affected by violence in Scotland. "There has, however," she continued, "been no specific legal service dedicated to women affected by violence within Scotland. "This new centre redresses that gap, increases protection for women and places Scotland at the forefront of legal service provision in the area of women's rights." The Scottish Women's Rights Centre Helpline – 08088 010 789 – will run every Wednesday afternoon from 1.30pm – 4.30pm.  |
| What kind of society do we want to be? Posted: 24 Apr 2015 07:03 AM PDT
By Fran Bennett. A report launched last week, Our Lives: Challenging attitudes to poverty in 2015, has captured the humanity of the experience of poverty and calls for change as radical as the social reform in the 1940s. It was just over a year ago when Bob Holman – the inspiring activist from Easterhouse on the edge of Glasgow, now retired but still active – issued a challenge in The Guardian newspaper. He called on eight named women to put a spotlight on the lives of people living in poverty in the UK now. (I was the add-on – woman no. 9 – who got roped in as well.) And the report we wrote together, Our Lives: Challenging attitudes to poverty in 2015, launched on 17 April in Newcastle, does just that (#ourlives2015). Our Lives deliberately harks back in its title to the report Bob Holman wanted us to emulate. Our Towns: A close-up was published in 1943 and written by another group of eight women – members of the Hygiene Committee of the Women's Group on Public Welfare. They were trying to respond to the many complaints made about working class evacuees sent from the East End of London and elsewhere to safer, often richer, places. Bob Holman was himself one of those evacuated children and remembers the experience well. The host families complained that these children often had nits or fleas; they wet the bed; they didn't have the proper clothes; and they didn't behave properly, either. Our Towns was an attempt, by eight women all actively involved in health visiting, teaching or voluntary work, to explain the context of these children's lives, where they came from, and in particular the structural roots of the poverty they lived. And they spelt out clearly how much the children's parents cared about them. Our Towns was of its time, and a report written today is clearly not going to be the same. But Bob Holman saw it as one of the turning points in the Second World War – alongside the better-known Beveridge report – that helped lead to social reform, and in particular to the creation of the post-War welfare state. Bob argued that there was more solidarity with those living in poverty and more understanding of their lives as a result of Our Towns. He said there was an urgent need to carry out a similar exercise now – especially in the context of the coalition government's cuts to this post-War welfare state – and named the women who should undertake this task. They and others (including me) accepted his challenge – and Our Lives: Challenging attitudes to poverty in 2015 is the result. It builds up a picture based on individual stories of what living in poverty is like in the UK today and calls for change as radical as in the 1940s. This is not an academic report, or a document brimming with statistics. Others have written those. As Julia Unwin, of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, says in her Foreword, the report "… gives a clear, unflinching account of the state of our nation, and does so in ways that illuminate, and humanise, the dry accounts of trend data. Taken together, [the stories] give a picture of life that is harsh, and difficult, perpetuating inequality, and reducing potential. And they do so in ways that underline the humanity of the experience of poverty." The authors of Our Lives have all admired Bob Holman for years for his unflinching commitment to working alongside people in poverty – living in Easterhouse himself for many years. We cannot aspire to be like him. And we do not pretend that we are living in poverty ourselves. In that sense, this report is not 'the voice of the poor'. But what we have in common is a long history of living and working closely with families and communities grappling with poverty. One of us is a community development and social policy worker (Tricia Zipfel); one is a former director of a family rights organisation (Jo Tunnard); one is a children's writer (Josephine Feeney); one is the manager of a food bank (Audrey Flannagan); one works at a Citizens' Advice Bureau (Loretta Gaffney); one is a social worker (Karen Postle); one works for the voluntary sector (Sally Young); and one is the General Secretary of the TUC (Frances O'Grady). I am an academic and social policy researcher, and would also see myself as an activist, as would many others I'm sure. Between us, we know many people who are struggling to make ends meet – and doing so against the odds, and often in the face of hostile attitudes, or just incomprehension. So we invited them to tell us their stories. Some of these are about people's struggles to survive, and about being battered by the benefits system. Some of the stories demonstrate the complexity of people's lives, and others how families can be fragmented by domestic abuse, or even by the care system. Mental health and disability issues, as well as homelessness and insecure employment, also feature. There are examples of public services treating people in poverty badly. But there are also instances of private companies doing the same. And, as Julia Unwin says in her Foreword, the stories 'tell of people faced with the most difficult and disturbing circumstances continuing to care and support those they love'. There are tales of extraordinary resilience and resourcefulness – or just of the powers of daily endurance that living in poverty often entails. Of course some people make mistakes, and some make bad choices. But there are usually reasons. And the stories show that society tends to be much less forgiving when this involves people on low incomes. So what do we want from the report? We want it to encourage people to oppose cuts that fall heavily and unfairly on those on the lowest incomes. We hope it will counter a public narrative that devalues the welfare state as we know it, and that sees 'dependency' instead of survival against the odds. But this is not just a(nother) report about the coalition government's austerity programme, either. We also want Our Lives to be a wake-up call, as Our Towns was over seventy years ago. We want it to challenge the common assumption that people in poverty are 'scroungers and skivers'. We want it to highlight the courage and determination that are needed to cope with life on a low income day after day. And we hope it will also contribute to a wider discussion about the kind of society we want to be. Fran Bennett is a senior research and teaching fellow and a member of the Oxford Institute of Social Policy, University of Oxford, and an active member of the Women’s Budget Group. A version of this article appeared in openDemocracy on 17 April 2015.  |
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